美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福英語演講稿
My friends:
This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.
Tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the United States, I had before my eyes the picture of all those Americans with whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their life's savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.
Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed in Berlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the United States.
The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: "There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other." And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: "Others are correct when they say: 'With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves.''' I can beat any other power in the world." So said the leader of the Nazis.
In other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the United States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.
At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are being engaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.
Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe. Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors. There was no treaty. There was no "unwritten agreement." And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia.
Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic? And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.
Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.
During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, however, expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: "Please, Mr. President, don't frighten us by telling us the facts." Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.
Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hour's notice -- or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, "The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places." The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.
The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of "restoring order." Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are "protecting it" against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: "We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States"? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.
Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won. Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world? Or the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.
There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.
Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates. Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.
There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.
The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.
The American appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, and France. They tell you that the Axis powers are going to win anyway; that all of this bloodshed in the world could be saved, that the United States might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace and get the best out of it that we can. They call it a "negotiated peace." Nonsense! Is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of extermination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? For such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. It would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in all history. And in these contests the Americas would offer the only real resistance to the Axis power. With all their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of God in chains.
The history of recent years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. They may talk of a "new order" in the world, but what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. In that there is no liberty, no religion, no hope. The proposed "new order" is the very opposite of a United States of Europe or a United States of Asia. It is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. It is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. It is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and to enslave the human race.
The British people and their allies today are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. Our own future security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. Our ability to "keep out of war" is going to be affected by that outcome. Thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, I make the direct statement to the American people that there is far less chance of the United States getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the Axis than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an Axis victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later on.
If we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. But I deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that I advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future.
The people of Europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting. They ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. Emphatically, we must get these weapons to them, get them to them in sufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.
Let not the defeatists tell us that it is too late. It will never be earlier. Tomorrow will be later than today.
Certain facts are self-evident.
In a military sense Great Britain and the British Empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. And they are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. There is no demand for sending an American expeditionary force outside our own borders. There is no intention by any member of your government to send such a force. You can therefore, nail, nail any talk about sending armies to Europe as deliberate untruth. Our national policy is not directed toward war. Its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.
Democracy's fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the United States and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. And it is no more un-neutral for us to do that than it is for Sweden, Russia, and other nations near Germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into Germany every day in the week.
We are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of Britain and the other free nations which are resisting aggression. This is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. It is a matter of realistic, practical military policy, based on the advice of our military experts who are in close touch with existing warfare. These military and naval experts and the members of the Congress and the Administration have a single-minded purpose: the defense of the United States.
This nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. And this great effort requires great sacrifice. I would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend every one in the nation against want and privation. The strength of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens. If our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers.
As the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right to expect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense. The worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or the manager or the owner. For the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. The nation expects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. It expects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. And on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living.
Nine days ago I announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase the production of munitions. The appropriation of vast sums of money and a well-coordinated executive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. Guns, planes, ships and many other things have to be built in the factories and the arsenals of America. They have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land. In this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the government and industry and labor. And I am very thankful.
American industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into action. Manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, of Linotypes and cash registers and automobiles, and sewing machines and lawn mowers and locomotives, are now making fuses and bomb packing crates and telescope mounts and shells and pistols and tanks.
But all of our present efforts are not enough. We must have more ships, more guns, more planes -- more of everything. And this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of "business as usual." This job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the existing productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense. Our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. The possible consequences of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. And after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country's peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity, if not still more. No pessimistic policy about the future of America shall delay the immediate expansion of those industries essential to defense. We need them.
I want to make it clear that it is the purpose of the nation to build now with all possible speed every machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. We have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. I am confident that if and when production of consumer or luxury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that are essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield, and will gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose.
So I appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. With this appeal I give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same whole-hearted extent to the great task that lies ahead.
As planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your government, with its defense experts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this hemisphere. The decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must be made on the basis of our overall military necessities.
We must be the great arsenal of democracy.
For us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. We must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war.
We have furnished the British great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. There will be no "bottlenecks" in our determination to aid Great Britain. No dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination. The British have received invaluable military support from the heroic Greek Army and from the forces of all the governments in exile. Their strength is growing. It is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.
I believe that the Axis powers are not going to win this war. I base that belief on the latest and best of information.
We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope -- hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. I have the profound conviction that the American people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.
美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福演講稿：
我的朋友們：
這不是戰(zhàn)爭的爐邊談話。這是關(guān)于國家安全的講話;因為你們的總統(tǒng)的目的，關(guān)鍵是要保持現(xiàn)在的你，和你的孩子后，你的孫子要晚得多，從最后的戰(zhàn)爭來維護(hù)美國的獨立，和所有的事情，美國的獨立性意味著你和我，我們的。
今晚，面對世界性危機(jī)，我的思緒又回到了八年前的一個晚上的國內(nèi)危機(jī)之中。當(dāng)時的美國工業(yè)的車輪被磨到完全停止時，我們整個國家的銀行體系已停止功能。我清楚地記得，當(dāng)我坐在我的研究在白宮，準(zhǔn)備在美國的人的談話中，我曾在我的眼前所有美國人的圖片的人我是說。我看到工人們在米爾斯，礦山，工廠，柜臺后面的女孩，小掌柜，農(nóng)民做他的春耕，寡婦和老男人不知道自己一生的積蓄。我試圖傳達(dá)給美國人民銀行危機(jī)對他們意味著什么在他們的日常生活，大眾。
今晚，我想做同樣的事情，與相同的人，在這個新的危機(jī)，面臨美國。我們遇到了1933的勇氣和現(xiàn)實問題。我們面臨新的危機(jī)，這對我們國家安全的新威脅，以同樣的勇氣和現(xiàn)實主義。以前從來沒有從詹姆斯敦和普利茅斯搖滾我們的美國文明現(xiàn)在是危險。在今年的1940年9月27日————在柏林簽署了一項協(xié)議，三個強(qiáng)大的國家，兩個在歐洲和亞洲，連接起來的威脅，如果美國對美國的干擾或阻止這三個國家的擴(kuò)張計劃——一項旨在控制世界——他們會團(tuán)結(jié)在最終的行動反對美國。
納粹德國的主子們明確表示，他們打算不僅主宰一切的生活和他們自己國家的思想，但也使整個歐洲，然后利用歐洲的資源來統(tǒng)治世界。它只有三個星期前，他們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人說：“有兩個世界，反對對方�！比缓笤谔翎叺幕卮鹚膶κ�，他說：“別人都正確時，他們說：“這個世界上我們永遠(yuǎn)無法調(diào)和自己。”“我可以擊敗任何其他權(quán)力在世界上�！凹{粹的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人這樣說。
換句話說，軸不僅僅承認(rèn)，但軸宣稱，最終沒有可和平之間的哲學(xué)——他們的哲學(xué)的政府——和我們的政府理念。在這個不可否認(rèn)的威脅的性質(zhì)來看，可以說，正確和絕對，認(rèn)為美國沒有任何權(quán)利或理由鼓勵談?wù)摵推街钡奖禺?dāng)有對侵略國部分明確意圖放棄所有的控制或征服世界的思想。
作為美國總統(tǒng)，我呼吁國家的努力。我叫它在這個國家，我們的愛和尊敬，我們很榮幸和驕傲的服務(wù)名稱。我號召我們的人民有絕對的信心，我們共同的事業(yè)將極大的成功。
在這一時刻，所有人都聯(lián)合起來反對自由生活正在舉行遠(yuǎn)離海岸的美國軍隊。德國人和意大利人被封鎖在大西洋彼岸的英國，由希臘人，以及數(shù)以千計的士兵和水手得以逃脫被征服的國家。在亞洲，日本正被另一個偉大的中華民族從事國防。在太平洋艦隊。
我們中的一些人認(rèn)為，戰(zhàn)爭在歐洲和亞洲，我們都不關(guān)心。但這是一個最重要的關(guān)注，美國，歐洲和亞洲的戰(zhàn)爭者不應(yīng)獲得導(dǎo)致這個半球海洋控制。一百一十七年前，夢露主義的構(gòu)思是由我國政府在威脅這個半球的聯(lián)盟在歐洲大陸面臨的防御措施。此后，我們守在大西洋，與英國的鄰居。沒有條約。沒有不成文的協(xié)議�！钡懈杏X，被歷史證明是正確的，我們的鄰居會在和平的方式解決爭議。而事實上，此時的西半球始終沒有來自歐洲和亞洲的侵略的整個期間。
有沒有人真的相信，我們需要擔(dān)心的攻擊在美洲任何地方而自由英國仍然是我們最強(qiáng)大的海軍在大西洋的鄰居?有人相信，在另一方面，我們可以放心如果軸心國是我們的鄰居那里嗎?如果英國下山，軸心國將控制歐洲大陸，亞洲，非洲，亞洲和南半球，公海。他們將在一個位置，帶來了巨大的軍事和海軍資源對這個半球。毫不夸張地說，在所有美洲我們都將生活在槍口——槍裝滿炸藥的子彈，經(jīng)濟(jì)以及軍事。我們要進(jìn)入這整個世界的一個新的和可怕的時代，我們的大腦半球在內(nèi)，將由武力威脅。而在這樣一個世界生存下去，我們必須改變自己的永久戰(zhàn)爭的經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)上軍國主義的力量。
我們中的一些人認(rèn)為，即使英國的瀑布，我們?nèi)匀皇前踩�，因為浩瀚的大西洋和太平洋。但這些海洋寬度不在三桅帆船的日子是什么。在一個點在非洲和巴西之間的距離是小于它是從華盛頓到丹佛，科羅拉多州，為轟炸機(jī)的最新型的五小時。在太平洋的北端，美國和亞洲幾乎相互接觸。為什么，甚至今天我們能飛的飛機(jī)從英國到新英格蘭再不加油。記�。含F(xiàn)代轟炸機(jī)范圍日益增加。
在過去的一周在全國各地有很多人告訴我，他們希望我說今晚。幾乎所有的人都表達(dá)了一個勇敢的渴望聽到有關(guān)形勢的嚴(yán)峻事實。然而一封電報，表達(dá)，誰想要非禮勿視、非禮勿聽少數(shù)的態(tài)度，即使他們在心里知道，邪惡的存在。那封電報請求我不要告訴了我們與緩解美國城市可以被任何敵對勢力已經(jīng)在這個西半球獲得基地轟炸。這封電報大意是：“請你，總統(tǒng)先生，不要嚇唬我們告訴我們的事實�！袄蠈嵳f，肯定是前面有危險——危險對我們必須做好準(zhǔn)備。但我們知道，我們不能逃避危險，或?qū)ξｋU的恐懼，爬行到床上，把被子蒙住頭。
歐洲一些國家的不干涉協(xié)定莊嚴(yán)德國束縛。其他國家是德國的保證永遠(yuǎn)不必?fù)?dān)憂入侵。不干涉協(xié)定或不，事實上，他們被攻擊，超限，扔到現(xiàn)代奴隸制一小時通知——甚至沒有注意到這一切。作為一個流亡領(lǐng)袖之一，這些國家說一天我，”通知負(fù)量。這是給我的政府后，德國軍隊已經(jīng)涌入我國一百處兩個小時”。這些國家的命運(yùn)告訴我們，生活在納粹的槍口意味著什么。
納粹已經(jīng)由各種虔誠的欺詐行為。一個騙子是聲稱他們正處在一個國家為目的的“恢復(fù)秩序”。另一個原因是，他們占有或控制的國家，他們借口“保護(hù)”對別人的侵略。例如，德國已經(jīng)表示，她是從英國占領(lǐng)比利時挽救比利時。她會再猶豫說任何南美國家：“我們正處在你保護(hù)你免遭美國的侵略?比利時今天是作為反對英國侵略基地，現(xiàn)在戰(zhàn)斗的生活。和其他南美國家，在納粹手中，總是會構(gòu)成一個跳發(fā)生在這個半球的其它共和國的任何一個德國的進(jìn)攻。
你們兩個其他地方未來的分析更近，如果到德國納粹贏得。就愛爾蘭呢?將愛爾蘭自由被允許在不自由的世界，一個驚人的寵物例外?或亞速爾群島的島嶼，它還飛葡萄牙國旗經(jīng)過五個世紀(jì)?你和我認(rèn)為夏威夷是太平洋地區(qū)的防御前哨。然而，亞速爾群島是大西洋更接近我們的海岸到夏威夷的另一邊。
有人說，軸心國，不會有任何攻擊欲望西半球。那是一廂情愿的破壞了許多被征服民族抵抗力量同樣危險的形式。簡單的事實是，納粹黨已經(jīng)宣布，一次又一次，所有其他種族都是他們的人因此受到他們的命令。最重要的是，廣大富饒的美洲是所有的一輪世界最誘人的戰(zhàn)利品。
讓我們不再盲目的自己，已壓碎破壞和損壞的很多人已經(jīng)在我們自己的大門的邪惡勢力不可否認(rèn)的事實。你的政府對他們很了解，每一天都是找出這些錯誤。他們的秘密使者都是我們自己和周邊國家的活動。他們試圖激起猜疑和糾紛，造成內(nèi)亂。他們試圖把資本和勞動，反之亦然。他們試圖喚醒沉睡的種族和宗教仇恨長應(yīng)已在這個國家沒有的地方。他們在每一組中，促進(jìn)不耐受是活躍的。他們利用自己結(jié)束自己的天然憎惡戰(zhàn)爭。這些麻煩的飼養(yǎng)者的目的只有一個。它是把我們的人，把他們分為敵對的團(tuán)體和破壞我們的團(tuán)結(jié)，粉碎了我們會為自己辯護(hù)。
也有美國公民，他們中的許多人在高的地方，誰，不知不覺地在大多數(shù)情況下，是協(xié)助及教唆這些藥物的工作。我不收這些美國公民和外國代理人。但我卻指控他們做這樣的工作，獨裁的人們想在美國做的。這些人不僅相信我們可以通過關(guān)閉我們的眼睛，其他國家的命運(yùn)，拯救我們自己的皮膚。他們中的一些人遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不止這些。他們說，我們可以而且應(yīng)該成為朋友，甚至是軸心國伙伴。他們中的一些人甚至認(rèn)為我們應(yīng)該效法的獨裁統(tǒng)治的方法。但美國人永遠(yuǎn)不會永遠(yuǎn)不會那樣做。
過去兩年的經(jīng)驗已經(jīng)證明，毫無疑問，沒有一個國家能安撫納粹。沒有人能馴服老虎變成一只小貓撫摸它。對殘暴行為是不能姑息。有可以用燃燒彈沒有推理�，F(xiàn)在我們知道，一個國家可以與納粹分子只有在徹底投降的代價的和平。即使意大利人被迫成為納粹同謀;但他們此刻不知道很快他們將接受死亡，他們的盟友。
不管是在美國和奧地利，捷克斯洛伐克，波蘭，挪威，比利時，命運(yùn)發(fā)現(xiàn)警告荷蘭，丹麥，法國。他們告訴你，軸心國要贏得;世界上所有的流血的事件是可以被挽救的，美國或許也將影響到一個支配的和平的規(guī)模和得到最好的，我們可以。他們稱之為“和平談判的廢話�！�!這是一個和平談判如果一伙不法之徒包圍你的社區(qū)和滅絕的威脅讓你表示敬意，拯救自己的皮膚?這種支配的和平就沒有和平。它只會是另一個停戰(zhàn)，導(dǎo)致整個歷史中最巨大的軍備競賽和最具破壞性的貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)。在這些比賽美洲將軸功率提供的唯一真正的阻力。他們所有的自負(fù)的效率，與他們所有的游行的虔誠的目的在這場戰(zhàn)爭中，仍有其背景中的鏈的集中營里，神的仆人。
近幾年來的歷史證明，槍擊鏈和集中營的不僅僅是短暫的工具，但現(xiàn)代獨裁統(tǒng)治的祭壇。他們可以說是一個“新秩序”的世界，但他們心目中只有一個復(fù)興的最古老和最壞的暴君。在沒有自由，沒有宗教，沒有希望。所提出的“新秩序”是一個美國的歐洲或美國亞洲恰恰相反。它不是一個政府基于人民的同意。這不是一個普通的聯(lián)盟，自尊的男人和女人來保護(hù)自己和自己的自由和尊嚴(yán)的壓迫。這是一個邪惡聯(lián)盟的權(quán)力和財富支配和奴役人類。
英國人和他們的盟友，現(xiàn)在正在進(jìn)行積極的對抗這邪惡聯(lián)盟。我們自己的未來的安全在很大程度上取決于這場戰(zhàn)斗的結(jié)果。我們的“不戰(zhàn)”的能力將取決于這個結(jié)果。思想上的今天和明天，我將直接聲明美國人民有更少的機(jī)會，美國進(jìn)入戰(zhàn)爭，如果我們所做的一切都是我們現(xiàn)在可以支持國家保衛(wèi)自己免受攻擊的軸比如果我們接受他們的失敗，提交馴順的軸線的勝利，和等待我們的將是在后來的另一場戰(zhàn)爭攻擊的對象。
如果我們對自己誠實，我們必須承認(rèn)有風(fēng)險的任何過程中我們可以采取。但我深信，我國絕大多數(shù)人同意，我提倡的課程包括風(fēng)險最小的現(xiàn)在和未來世界和平的最大希望的。
歐洲的人民在捍衛(wèi)自己，不要求我們替他們打仗。他們問我們的戰(zhàn)爭，實現(xiàn)了飛機(jī)，坦克，大炮，貨船，使他們能為自己的自由和我們的安全而戰(zhàn)。重點，我們必須把這些武器給他們，讓他們在足夠量的迅速足以使我們和我們的孩子將被保存的痛苦和苦難的戰(zhàn)爭，其他人不得不忍受。
不要讓失敗主義者告訴我們，它是太晚了。它將不會早。明天要比今天更遲。
一定的事實是不言而喻的。
在軍事上說，英國和英帝國的今天是抵抗征服世界的先鋒。他們堅持戰(zhàn)斗，這將永遠(yuǎn)活在人類的勇敢的故事。沒有要求美國派遠(yuǎn)征軍到國外。有沒有意向你們政府的任何成員發(fā)送這樣的力量。你可以因此，釘，釘約出兵歐洲任何故意不說話。我們的國家政策不是走向戰(zhàn)爭。它的唯一目的是讓戰(zhàn)爭離開我們的國家和我們的人民遠(yuǎn)離。
民主的反對征服全世界正在幫助很大，必須更多的幫助很大，由美國重整軍備和發(fā)送的每一盎司和軍需供應(yīng)每噸，我們可以備用幫助那些在前線守軍。這是沒有更多的中性點為我們做的比它是瑞典，俄羅斯，德國和其他國家附近把鋼鐵、礦石、石油和其他戰(zhàn)爭物資到德國一禮拜中的每一天。
我們最緊迫的我們自己的防衛(wèi)計劃，并在其龐大的規(guī)模就必須把英國和其他自由國家抵抗侵略戰(zhàn)爭的需要。這不是一個問題，情緒或有爭議的個人意見。這是一個現(xiàn)實的，實際的軍事政策，基于我們的軍事專家誰有緊密的聯(lián)系，與現(xiàn)有的戰(zhàn)爭的建議。這些軍事和海軍專家和國會的成員和政府有一個專一的目的：美國的防御。
這個國家正在產(chǎn)生的一切，在這緊急需要很大的努力，并盡速。這種努力需要偉大的犧牲。我會讓無人防守的民主又不會保衛(wèi)每個人對抗國家要與貧困。這個國家的強(qiáng)度不應(yīng)以政府未能保護(hù)其公民的經(jīng)濟(jì)福祉稀釋。如果我們的生產(chǎn)能力是有限的機(jī)器，它將永遠(yuǎn)記得這些機(jī)器的技能和工人的體力工作。
作為政府決意保護(hù)工人的權(quán)利，因此，國家有權(quán)要求人的機(jī)器將履行其全權(quán)防御的迫切需要。工人們擁有相同的人格尊嚴(yán)和有權(quán)的位置相同的安全工程師或經(jīng)理或老板。為員工提供人力，原來的驅(qū)逐艦，和飛機(jī)，坦克和。國家希望我們的國防工業(yè)繼續(xù)運(yùn)行不受罷工或停工中斷。預(yù)計，堅持管理和員工將自愿或法律手段調(diào)和他們之間的分歧，繼續(xù)生產(chǎn)，所以急需的物資。在我們偉大的防御計劃，經(jīng)濟(jì)方面我們是，你知道的，彎曲的一切努力，生活成本的穩(wěn)定性保持穩(wěn)定的價格。
九天前我宣布建立一個更有效的組織來指導(dǎo)我們的巨大努力增加軍x生產(chǎn)。的巨額資金撥款和協(xié)調(diào)執(zhí)行方向我們的防御措施本身并不足夠。槍炮，飛機(jī)，船舶和其他許多事情都必須建立在工廠和美國的核武庫。他們必須由工人和管理人員和工程師制作的這反過來又是由成千上萬的工人在陸地的機(jī)器的幫助。在這個偉大的工作已經(jīng)有政府、行業(yè)和勞動之間的良好合作。我很感激。
美國工業(yè)界的天才，無與倫比的全世界的生產(chǎn)問題的解決，已經(jīng)呼吁，將以其聰明才智為行動。的手表制造商，農(nóng)具，對linotypes和收銀機(jī)和汽車，和縫紉機(jī)和割草機(jī)和機(jī)車，現(xiàn)在使熔斷器和炸彈的包裝箱和望遠(yuǎn)鏡支架和貝殼和槍和坦克。
但我們所有的努力是不夠的。我們必須有更多的船只，更多的槍，更多的飛機(jī)——更多的東西。這可以當(dāng)我們拋棄了“照常營業(yè)的概念�！斑@工作不能由疊加在現(xiàn)有的生產(chǎn)設(shè)施，增加國防的需要僅僅做。我們的防守努力不要被那些擔(dān)心將來工廠生產(chǎn)能力過剩的后果的封鎖。我們的防御措施失效的可能后果現(xiàn)在更是可怕的。在我們的國防需求現(xiàn)狀是過去，正確處理國家的和平時期，需要將要求所有新的生產(chǎn)能力，如果不是更。沒有對美國前途悲觀的政策應(yīng)當(dāng)延緩這些行業(yè)必不可少的防御即時擴(kuò)張。我們需要他們。
我想說清楚，它的目的是現(xiàn)在盡快地建立每一臺機(jī)器，每一個阿森納，每一個工廠，我們需要我們的國防材料制造。我們有人，技能，財富，最重要的是，將。我相信，如果在某些行業(yè)的生產(chǎn)消費(fèi)品和奢侈品需要機(jī)器，用于國防目的是必不可少的原料使用，那么這樣的生產(chǎn)一定產(chǎn)量，而且會心甘情愿地，我們的主要的和令人信服的目的。
因此我號召工廠的業(yè)主，對管理人員，對工人，我們自己的政府雇員把一點一滴的努力為生產(chǎn)軍x和毫不吝惜地。這一呼吁我給你的承諾，我們所有的人都是你的政府官員將致力于同全心全意地去謊言的偉大任務(wù)。
由于生產(chǎn)，大炮和炮彈的政府，它的國防專家，可以決定如何最好地使用它們來保衛(wèi)這個半球。決定把多少將被派往國外，多少要留在家里，必須對我們的整體軍事用品的基礎(chǔ)上。
我們必須成為民主國家的兵工廠。
對我們來說這是緊急和戰(zhàn)爭本身一樣嚴(yán)重。我們必須致力于我們的任務(wù)具有相同的分辨率，同樣的緊迫感，同樣的愛國主義精神和犧牲，我們將展示我們的戰(zhàn)爭。
我們已經(jīng)給英國偉大的物質(zhì)上的支持，我們將為今后更遠(yuǎn)。將不會有“瓶頸”決心幫助英國。沒有獨裁的人，沒有結(jié)合的獨裁的人，將削弱的威脅，確定如何解釋，測定。英國已收到從英雄的希臘軍隊從流亡在外的所有政府軍隊寶貴的軍事支持。他們的力量是成長。這是男人和女人誰珍惜他們的自由生活比他們的價值更高的強(qiáng)度。
我相信，軸心國不會贏得這場戰(zhàn)爭。我相信最新和最好的信息庫。
我們沒有理由失敗。我們有理由希望——希望和平，是的，希望對我們文明的防御和在未來更好的文明建設(shè)。我認(rèn)為美國人民現(xiàn)在決定提出一個更強(qiáng)大的力量比他們曾經(jīng)還增加我們的防御所有實現(xiàn)生產(chǎn)的信念，以滿足我們的民主信仰的威脅。
作為美國總統(tǒng)，我呼吁國家的努力。我叫它在這個國家，我們的愛和尊敬，我們很榮幸和驕傲的服務(wù)名稱。我號召我們的人民有絕對的信心，我們共同的事業(yè)將極大的成功。
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