【推薦】英語演講稿

　　演講稿可以按照用途、性質(zhì)等來劃分，是演講上一個重要的準備工作。在日常生活和工作中，演講稿對我們的作用越來越大，那要怎么寫好演講稿呢？以下是小編為大家整理的英語演講稿，希望能夠幫助到大家。

英語演講稿1

　　大家好，我今天演講的題目是“我的夢想”。

　　每個人都有夢想，而且很好，我也不例外。我有一個小小的夢想，當我達到目標時，我會實現(xiàn)更多的夢想。開始，我還是個嬰兒，一心想變得很強壯，像少林寺里的孩子一樣，武功高強。但是我覺得離開父母去很遠的地方練武，辛苦，有點舍不得。小時候，我有一個夢想，我希望我有錢。大人問：小姑娘，有了錢你打算怎么辦？我要去買泡泡糖"如果你有很多錢？

　　我打算買很多泡泡糖。"如果你有錢花的話？我會買泡泡糖工廠。"天真的童年我們的確有一顆善良的心，幸福和快樂是同一首曲子。

　　慢慢進入小學，課程越來越深，知識越來越多。會感受到壓力�，F(xiàn)在我有一個夢想。我希望我沒有；我每天沒有很多作業(yè)要做。玩的有點剝奪，而我們40%的日子都禁錮在教室里，很多時間都在學習。但是在學習面前，是一種模糊的知識。俗話說，一種罕見的困惑。對事物的理解，從封建主義到資本主義，越大越覺得自己的觀點是正確的。每天放學回家后忙了一天一夜的課，他又困又累，吃不到深夜吃的食物。這樣的生活很單調(diào)，可能有時候會想念我的很多小學同學，有時候會帶著一節(jié)課或者一副朦朧的睡相。討厭死板的校服，我從來不到處穿。周六，周日；時間很短，孩子很想磨煉，慢慢了解生活；太難了，努力吧，夢想好了，我會努力讓每個人都生活起來，早起晚睡，把握住自己，不再松懈。我也想為他們的夢想而奮斗。

　　我的演講結(jié)束了，謝謝！

英語演講稿2

　　They must see Americans as strange liberators. The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence in 1954 -- in 1945 rather -- after a combined French and Japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of her former colony. Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China -- for whom the Vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

　　For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to recolonize Vietnam. Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

　　After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North. The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States' influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem's methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

　　The only change came from America, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

　　So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

　　What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones?

　　We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

　　Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. Soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these. Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. These, too, are our brothers.

　　Perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies. What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call "VC" or "communists"? What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the North" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

　　How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. Their questions are frighteningly relevant. Is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

　　Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

　　So, too, with Hanoi. In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

　　Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops. They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

　　Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North. He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than eight hundred, or rather, eight thousand miles away from its shores.

　　At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

　　Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. I speak for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

　　This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one of them wrote these words, and I quote:

　　Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism .

　　If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

英語演講稿3

親愛的老師和同學們：

　　我很高興在這里說點什么。這時，我想談?wù)勎业膼酆谩?/p>

　　我有很多愛好。首先，我喜歡玩電子游戲。電腦游戲很酷。我可以玩一整天。第二，我喜歡各種運動。我喜歡新鮮空氣和陽光。和朋友踢足球很有趣。

　　在海里游泳是我最喜歡的。我也喜歡在家畫畫。此外，我喜歡音樂。我喜歡唱歌。我經(jīng)常在街上散步時唱電影歌曲。當然，我每天都學英語。如你所知，英語在世界各地都被使用。所以我學英語很努力。我希望有一天我能環(huán)游世界，和外國人說英語。

　　還有更多我喜歡做的。還有我想說的。也許下次我可以告訴你更多。謝謝大家的傾聽。

英語演講稿4

尊敬的各位領(lǐng)導、老師：

　　大家下午好！我叫xx，原來在xx小學工作，近幾年來一直從事小學英語的教學，今年因工作調(diào)動，調(diào)整到我們xx小學工作，我感到非常的高興，同時，也非常感謝我們學校領(lǐng)導能給我這樣一次展示自我、成就自我的機會。我今天我競聘的崗位是三、四年級的英語教學。

　　首先我說一下自己的基本情況和工作業(yè)績：我xx年畢業(yè)于xx師專數(shù)學系，后分配到xx中學從事數(shù)學教學，xx年開始改教初中英語，xx年因身體狀況，調(diào)入小學從事小學英語教學至今，xx年自考大學本科畢業(yè)，xx年被評為中學一級教師。

　　自工作以來，我一直兢兢業(yè)業(yè)，勤奮工作，所教科目成績一直據(jù)全鎮(zhèn)前列，特別是近幾年來從事小學英語教學，所教班級多次獲得全鎮(zhèn)第一名，個人也多次被評為鎮(zhèn)教育先進工作者、優(yōu)秀教師，區(qū)優(yōu)秀教師，個人年考核優(yōu)秀等次的榮譽稱號，并有多篇論文在市級報紙發(fā)表。

　　下面我談一下，我競聘英語教師的幾個優(yōu)勢和條件：

　　1。有良好的師德

　　我為人處事的原則是：老老實實做人，認認真真工作，開開心心生活。自己一貫注重個人品德素質(zhì)的培養(yǎng)，努力做到尊重領(lǐng)導，團結(jié)同志，工作負責，辦事公道，不計較個人得失，對工作對同志有公心，愛心，平常心和寬容心。自從參加工作以來，我首先在師德上嚴格要求自己，要做一個合格的人民教師！認真學習和領(lǐng)會上級教育主管部門的`文件精神，與時俱進，愛崗敬業(yè)，為人師表，熱愛學生，尊重學生，爭取讓每個學生都能享受到最好的教育，都能有不同程度的發(fā)

　　2。有較高的專業(yè)水平

　　我從xx師專數(shù)學系畢業(yè)后曾到xx師范大學進修英語教學培訓，系統(tǒng)而又牢固地掌握了英語教學的專業(yè)知識。多年來始終在教學第一線致力于小學英語教學及研究，使自己的專業(yè)知識得到進一步充實、更新和擴展。

　　3。有較強的教學能力

　　從選擇教師這門職業(yè)的第一天起，我最大的心愿就是做一名受學生歡迎的好老師，為了這個心愿，我一直在不懈努力著。要求自己做到牢固掌握本學科的基本理論知識。

　　熟悉相關(guān)學科的文化知識，不斷更新知識結(jié)構(gòu)，精通業(yè)務(wù)，精心施教，把握好教學的難點重點，認真探索教學規(guī)律，鉆研教學藝術(shù)，努力形成自己的教學特色。我的教學風格和教學效果普遍受到學生的認可和歡迎。

　　以上所述情況，是我競聘英語教師的優(yōu)勢條件，假如我有幸競聘上崗，這些優(yōu)勢條件將有助于我更好的開展英語教學工作。

　　如果我有幸競聘成功，能擔任三四年級英語教師的話，我將從以下方面開展工作。

　　一是認真貫徹執(zhí)行黨的教育路線、方針、政策和學校的各項決定，加強學習，積極進取，求真務(wù)實，開拓創(chuàng)新，不斷提高自己的綜合素質(zhì)、創(chuàng)新能力，用自己的勤奮加智慧，完成好教學任務(wù)。使我校的英語教學上一個大的臺階。

　　二是做一個科研型的教師。教師的從教之日，正是重新學習之時。新時代要求教師具備的不只是操作技巧，還要有直面新情況、分析新問題、解決新矛盾的本領(lǐng)。進行目標明確、有針對性解決我校的英語教學難題。

　　做一個理念新的教師

　　目前，新一輪的基礎(chǔ)教育改革早已在我市全面推開，作為新課改的實踐者，要在認真學習新課程理念的基礎(chǔ)上，結(jié)合自己所教的學科，積極探索有效的教學方法。大力改革教學，積極探索實施創(chuàng)新教學模式。把英語知識與學生的生活相結(jié)合，為學生創(chuàng)設(shè)一個富有生活氣息的真實的學習情境，同時注重學生的探究發(fā)現(xiàn)，引導學生在學習中學會合作交流，提高學習能力。

　　做一個富有愛心的老師

　　“不愛學生就教不好學生”，“愛學生就要愛每一個學生”。作為一名教師，要無私地奉獻愛，處處播灑愛，使我的學生在愛的激勵下，增強自信，勇于創(chuàng)新，不斷進取，成長為撐起祖國一片藍天的棟梁。用質(zhì)樸的心愛護學生，用誠摯的情感染學生，用精湛的教學藝術(shù)熏陶學生，用忘我的工作態(tài)度影響學生。

　　尊敬的各位領(lǐng)導，各位老師，我會珍惜現(xiàn)有的每一個機會，努力工作，發(fā)揮出自己的最大能力，以高尚的情操、飽滿的熱情上好自己的英語課程，享受我的教學樂趣！

　　最后我想說：做教師，我無悔！做英語教師，我快樂！

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